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Friday, November 2, 2018

Analysis of FDR's First Inaugural Speech - Why No American Should Vote Democrat. Ever.


By Anna Von Reitz

For you --- the First Inaugural Speech of FDR, which is the only one that truly counts, de-constructed with all key legal terms of art in purple.  These are all terms that a person with a normal 7th or 8th grade education (the standard for law written at this time) could not possibly be expected to know as legal terms apart from their common meaning.  Please note that two days later on March 6, 1933, FDR addressed The Conference of Governors (private, Territorial) and secured the "pledge" of "their states" and "citizenry thereof"---- which could only and exclusively mean the British Territorial United States and the Territorial States of States put in place during the Reconstruction Era:

SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources.
Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly.
Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people's money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
There are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the several States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others-- the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good. This I propose to offer,pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for un-delayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stem performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.
______________________________________________________
Comment:  each and every single one of the words appearing in purple are special legal terms and words of art having particular meanings and implications that no eighth grader on Earth could be expected to know. 
What he basically said in "Federal-ese" is that he was going to conscript everyone, seize upon their lives and property as "gifts", "pledge" it all to royal and religious institutional creditors (primarily the Holy See), regulate everything especially labor and utilities to high Hell for government profits, re-distribute wealth and displace populations,  impose gag orders on the media, and prey upon the actual American People for the "good" of the "democracy" of the "United States" ----which virtually everyone in that audience interpreted as meaning The United States and as America, not the separate foreign hegemony of the deceptively similarly-named British Territorial United States. 
Anyone still want to claim that it was "our fault" and that we '"voluntarily" "consented" to all of this crap and that we were given "full disclosure" of what FDR set in motion and all the false claims in commerce and the false conscriptions and confiscations that he and his pals in the Democratic Party pulled against the innocent American States and People?  

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Dual Versus Singular Citizenship


By Anna Von Reitz

One of the things that sets "U.S. Citizenship" apart from American State Citizenship is duality. The Federales --- from their standpoint anyway --- are content to let you keep your "state citizenship" intact and still also be considered a "U.S. Citizen". As it says in their 14th Amendment --- "citizen of the United States" and "the state in which they reside".

[Please note --- it's their 14th Amendment, not ours, and it's an "Amendment" to their corporation's Articles of Incorporation disguised as "a" Constitution. And you are right, their 14th Amendment was never ratified by the States of the Union, for the simple reason that amending the By-Laws of a Scottish commercial corporation only requires approval by the Board of Directors --- in this case, the Territorial United States Congress.]

The problem is that the Federales can't alter the rules that the States adopted, which require a single State Citizenship.

The actual States don't recognize Dual Citizenship. You are either a Minnesotan or you are not.
It doesn't matter to them if you came from Germany or Zimbabwe. You have the option once you have immigrated through the U.S. and established your new permanent domicile on the land of Minnesota to declare yourself a Minnesotan.

When you do, you have to leave all other claims of foreign allegiance and nationality behind. The Founders considered Dual Citizenship to be "serving two Masters" and an inherent "conflict of interest" that could not be condoned.

So, if you wish to retain your identity as a Wisconsinite, you have to go whole hog or none.

Wisconsin will not recognize you as one of its own if you voluntarily retain any other political allegiance, including any allegiance to the Territorial State of Wisconsin or the Municipal STATE OF WISCONSIN. You have to cleave to the actual State and not merely "reside" there on a temporary basis, if you want to be recognized as an American State Citizen.

Throughout most of our history this was clearly understood and it was also understood that our people sometimes migrated back and forth between their State Citizenship and "United States Citizenship". Men who served in the military were considered to be on a temporary "loan" to the United States and to be "residing" in Federal jurisdiction during their period of service obligation, but returned home upon discharge from the service. Same thing with Congressional Delegates, who did their business in the District of Columbia, and then returned home to their home States.

The First Naturalization Act passed by the United States Congress described a lengthy process by which an American State Citizen could transition to permanent United States Citizenship, if they wished to do so. It required posting Notices over time and supporting oneself without public assistance and committing no felonies, etc., There is no doubt that adopting "United States Citizenship" versus birthright citizenship as a Citizen of Maine, was a sober, deliberate, and lengthy process.

Also, all new immigrants had to pass through "United States Citizenship" before adopting a final State Citizenship, and again, the decision to adopt State Citizenship required deliberate action on the part of each one.

Say that you came from Germany originally. You would first pass through the Naturalization process and become a "United States Citizen". You were then free to move about the country and not subject to the INS anymore, no green cards, no quasi-parole status as a visitor--- but you were not a State Citizen.

In order to become a State Citizen, you had to (and still have to) meet other requirements and make the deliberate choice to "declare" your intention and publish it and establish a home in the State of your choice and stay there for a stipulated period of time (usually a year) without committing any felonies or making use of public assistance.

There is a famous case from Minnesota (Rheume) that discusses the necessity of immigrants declaring their State Citizenship.

The fundamental difference is that "U.S. Citizens" occupy the Federal jurisdiction within a State and "reside" in the federated "States of States", whereas State Citizens live in their State of the Union.
Example: An active duty Lieutenant in the US Air Force lives in the State of South Dakota, but my friend Anne lives in South Dakota "proper".

Think in terms of Army bases like Fort Hood, for example, which exists within the borders of Texas. You have people from every State who live within the confines of Fort Hood which is Federal Territory within Texas and for the term of their service obligation, all those active duty personnel are "U.S. Citizens" living in the "State of Texas" even though they may have been born in Texas and have their natural birthright nationality and citizenship as Texans.

When they leave active duty and inform the General Staff of the Army that they are returning home to Texas and their birthright political status, they pop back into view as Texans and as State Citizens of Texas.

The British Territorial United States and the Municipal United States oligarchy run by the members of the Territorial Congress have long sought to keep everyone in the status of "U.S. Citizen" because that allows them to tax and control and make claims against the assets of the people involved. It is that monetary self-interest that has led to most of the abuses we now suffer and also to the corruption of the courts and the obfuscation of the facts about State Citizenship.

They don't want you to know that you can adopt your lawful State Citizenship and enjoy your freedoms and the guarantees of the Constitutions, because they lose money and control when you renounce "U.S. Citizenship" in favor of, for example, Texas Citizenship.

Nonetheless it is your birthright as an American, and so long as you are not a federal employee, dependent, or "voluntarily" operating as a U.S. corporation, THEY have nothing to say about it, except, "Yes, Sir!"

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$100 Reward --- Find the Missing "Republic"


By Anna Von Reitz

Times being what they are, and the expenses of The Living Law Firm being what they are, I can't afford to offer a big reward (on the off chance that I have to pay up) but I am sick and tired of having to argue about this with knot heads and I will pay $100 of my own money to anyone who can prove that a singular national "Republic" exists.  

Yes, there was/is a "Grand Army of the Republic" --- the Union Army during the Civil War. 

Yes, there was/is a song called "The Battle Hymn of the Republic". 

Yes, there is an oblique reference in "The Pledge of Allegiance" to "the Republic for which it stands."

Yes, Ben Franklin is reported to have told a by-stander when asked what kind of government we have --- "A Republic.  If you can keep it."

And yes, we are guaranteed a "republican form of government" in the Constitution.

We even have "The Supreme Republican Declaration of the United Colonies of America". 

But nowhere can I find in any of this any substantiating proof that "a" Republic was ever formed on this Continent to represent all the state republics.

Instead, what I find is a consistent reference to our Federation of States, The United States of America ---- the unincorporated version.  And it only operates in international jurisdiction. 

If any of you researchers out there can shed light on this question, please weigh in.  The monetary reward is slight, but the satisfaction of proving me wrong might be worth something, right? 

I've looked.  I can't find it. And until some proof surfaces ---and despite the popular references and belief that "a" Republic exists--- I say "the" Republic is the Civil War Era equivalent of an Urban Myth.

Many of our researchers are hurting financially and having a hard time keeping the lights on and the printer ink in stock.  They are asking me for help and so I have to turn to all of you reading this. 

If you can see how important it is for us to know the truth about our history and government --- and be able to prove it --- please consider "joining the party" and doing some research yourself or helping to support the expenses of those who do.  We take donations to the cause via my PayPal account:
avannavon@gmail.com and via snail mail: Anna Maria Riezinger, c/o Box 520994, Big Lake, Alaska 99652.

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